The Mangrove: My University of activism | Lee Jasper

The premiere of the #MangroveNine was shown on Sunday 15th November 2020. For me this is a seminal moment in black British history. For the first time, the real revolutionary story of the struggle for British civil rights is being told.

Having worked with the founder of the Mangrove, Frank Critchlow, I thought it only fitting to remember and honour a man I consider to be my political godfather.

Frank Crichlow, (13 July 1932 – 15 September 2010)

Born in Trinidad, founder of the Mangrove Community Association Notting Hill, West London, once the godfather of black radicalism throughout the 70’s and 80’s passed away in 2010 after a long struggle against prostate cancer.

I worked at Mangrove along with Jebb Johnson, Carol Scott, Bernice Francois, Yvette Williams, Clive Phillips, (Mashup) Terry, and Blues and the intellectual left communist Trevor Carter, Chris LeMaitre, Victor Critchlow and many more, too many to mention, people like Dr Richard Stone who was later was to sit as a panel member for the Stephen Lawrence inquiry as a result of our lobbying for him to be included.

Frank Critchlow, the man who 40-odd-years-ago set up the Mangrove, initially as a cafe and then as a Community Association to support newly arrived black people from the Caribbean, quickly became a national symbol for civil rights and black power. Dealing with the daily and horrendous racism faced by black people shown in the film, the Mangrove morphed from a community cafe to a gathering place for both black and white radicals, attracting the rich and famous from the world of fashion and politics. Frank’s outspoken politics and personal charisma attracted artists, authors and musicians who loved him and his passion for the local community.

Christine Keeler, Mandy-Rice Davis and Stephen Ward were all regulars. As were Jimi Hendrix, Muhammad Ali, Bob Marley, Sammy Davies Jnr. The Mangrove was even frequented by John Profumo, the War Minister, during his affair with Miss Keeler in the early Sixties.

Turning point

The power and magnetism of the Mangrove acted as a key meeting point for a politicised black community. Mangrove started attracting police attention as they began to organise the community against the brutal reality of routine and indiscriminate police violence, so the police and the local press began to target both Frank and the Mangrove.

The Mangrove was raided regularly by the police and almost always on the flimsy pretence of looking for drugs. The raids were racist, violent and criminal with officers assaulting black people, smashing up the restaurant and offices. On one occasion the Mangrove was raided 6 times in three months and on each occasion the police found nothing.

The Mangrove in August, 1970 Photo by Evening Standard/Hulton Archive/Getty images.

In 1971 Mangrove organised a protest march against police brutality. Frank took the march to Notting Hill police station where he demanded an end to racist police brutality. He and others, including Darcus Howe, were arrested and charged with conspiracy to riot. The case became known as the Mangrove Nine.

However, the trial became a political show trial, and the case attracted the support of people like Lord Gifford and Vanessa Redgrave who were among those who gave evidence for the defendants, all of whom were acquitted of riotous affray.

This was a turning point for black police relations in the UK. It was the first time that police racism had been successfully challenged in the courts.

That win generated huge confidence in black communities across the country who started to fight back and challenge police brutality and racism. Mangrove toured the entire country urging communities to make a stand.

The Mangrove Nine demonstration wasn’t the end of that oppression, and years later the Nine was followed by the Mangrove Six trials all charged with the supply of drugs, once again the police were defeated, they planted the evidence. There followed a tense decade of raids, beatings, arrests.

Frank fought everyone one of those cases however big or small to a standstill. He utilised medical reports of victims of police brutality by Dr Richard Stone, he used Birnberg solicitors to fight every case to a standstill. He never gave up, he never gave in.

The struggle abroad and further charges

Throughout the late 70s and 80s Mangrove became one of the UK’s leading black organizations, organising demonstrations against Apartheid South Africa, institutional racism, colonialism and supporting liberation movements from Palestine to the Congo. Frank, and others, like the late great Trevor Carter taught us the complexity of the struggle for racial equality and the need to build alliances with others. Working at the Mangrove was like attending university every day taught you so much. It’s where I got my PhD in black community activism.

On one occasion, in the late 80s in a swamp police operation, 4000 officers occupied a quarter of a mile radius surrounding the Mangrove. They were trying to prevent Mangrove Cafe from re-opening and customers had their food searched by police officers as they left the restaurant. The policing was relentless, brutal and oppressive. The infamous #BlackWatch crew were a group of Notting Hill police officers who routinely planted black youth with drugs.

In 1988, a raid on the premises by 48 officers in full riot gear, was led by a ruthlessly ambitious and corrupt Inspector Paul Condon, who later went on to become Sir Paul Condon Metropolitan Police Commissioner, who presided over the Mets failure to arrest the racist killers of Stephen Lawrence. It was Condon that denied any racism was involved.

Condon saw it as a matter of principle to destroy the Mangrove. He and his local officers saw us as uppity black people who constituted a perennial thorn in their racist side.

As a result of the 1988 raid, Frank and 11 others faced charges of supplying heroin and cannabis. Despite being 60 years of age, Frank was held in prison custody for 6 months. When he was eventually freed on bail he was banned from going anywhere near his business for over a year. I joined the Mangrove, recruited by Jebb and worked as part of a unique black power team that challenged the efforts of the police to criminalise our community and smash the front line.

'Political Target' - How Mangrove members were framed

What the Met police had not taken into account in planting Frank with hard drugs, was that Frank was a hugely respected black community leader.

Churchmen, local magistrates, Lords and ladies and local people such as Dr Richard Stone and others who worked among the black and white communities in West London knew Franks hard-line anti-drugs stance, he did not smoke and rarely drank. All were aware of his complete disdain for hard drugs and were also aware of our work on delivering a range of anti-drug projects. The local joke at the time was that Frank did not know what weed looked like much less heroin.

The corrupt officers made a fundamental mistake. They had planted 11 members of Mangrove with small packets of 100% pure heroin and cocaine only available from laboratories. They also messed up their timings with the raid and allowed a police photographer into the Mangrove to picture; those arrested lying on the floor with no drugs in sight. The pictures were all time stamped.

Seven minutes later another picture shows small bags of hard drugs scattered all over the premises. These snap bags had no fingerprints on them at all. At the trial, we were told that the purity of the drugs suggests that they came from a police laboratory. The police ‘evidence’ was ruthlessly exposed by a legal team that consisted of Gareth Pierce, Mike Mansfield QC and Courtney Griffiths QC.

Despite evidence being given under oath by no less than 36 police officers against Frank, including Condon himself, in 1989 the jury acquitted him of all charges. Our defence was that we were politically targeted and that the police had sought to take Frank out by planting drugs on him. He and 12 were acquitted by 12 different juries.

While not admitting that officers had fabricated evidence, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner agreed to pay damages to Mr Critchlow in settlement of his claim for false imprisonment, battery and malicious prosecution. It was at the time the highest police compensation award ever made in British legal history, £50,000.

Commitment to his community

Frank's other abiding passion was Carnival. The All-Saints Road became the political epicentre of radical black politics during Carnival. African National Congress banners and other African liberation movements adorned the street. Stalls from all progressive campaigning movements were lined up from one end of the street to the other.

For Frank, there was no difference between black culture and black politics. He railed against the ‘McDonaldisation’ of Notting Hill Carnival, urging the Carnival committee not to abandon the political beating heart of Carnival.

Frank provided a cradle to grave service to any black person in need. He resolved disputes, paid people's bills, organised christenings and funerals for those who could not afford them, provided meals, and a place to sleep for those who needed it, organised solicitors those facing arrest, challenged racist police officers every single day. He was the most humble and self-effacing man you were ever likely to meet.

Frank (pictured centre) remained closely attached to Notting Hill Carnival.

I had the pleasure of working with Frank for a period of over 10 years as the Chair of the Mangrove Community Association. I came to love the man, his tenacious pursuit of justice, his compassion and his commitment to his community.

The Mangrove team fought police together, we were routinely arrested, we defended the frontline, we made sure that every black political campaign from Rolan Adams to Broadwater Farm, Palestine to Apartheid South Africa was represented at every carnival. Stalls and banners hung everywhere making All Saints Road, the authentic political beating heart and soul of Notting Hill Carnival.

We defied all police restrictions on carnival such was the power of Mangrove, the police and the local authority were powerless to act.

Frank taught me all I know about genuine ethical leadership and campaigning in my community. His integrity and selflessness were exemplary. He was considered by most Black British activists who met him, to be our black power father, a passionate family man with an abiding commitment to justice.

He was a true radical – a shining black prince. After the Nine were acquitted Frank stayed on the front line and was a continual target for police harassment.

I hope you enjoyed the programme and had time to reflect on the power and majesty of united black communities in pursuit of equality and justice.

Lee Jasper

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