- Home
- News & Blogs
- About Us
- What We Do
- Our Communities
- Info Centre
- Press
- Contact
- Archive 2019
- 2015 Elections: 11 new BME MP’s make history
- 70th Anniversary of the Partition of India
- Black Church Manifesto Questionnaire
- Brett Bailey: Exhibit B
- Briefing Paper: Ethnic Minorities in Politics and Public Life
- Civil Rights Leader Ratna Lachman dies
- ELLE Magazine: Young, Gifted, and Black
- External Jobs
- FeaturedVideo
- FeaturedVideo
- FeaturedVideo
- Gary Younge Book Sale
- George Osborne's budget increases racial disadvantage
- Goldsmiths Students' Union External Trustee
- International Commissioners condemn the appalling murder of Tyre Nichols
- Iqbal Wahhab OBE empowers Togo prisoners
- Job Vacancy: Head of Campaigns and Communications
- Media and Public Relations Officer for Jean Lambert MEP (full-time)
- Number 10 statement - race disparity unit
- Pathway to Success 2022
- Please donate £10 or more
- Rashan Charles had no Illegal Drugs
- Serena Williams: Black women should demand equal pay
- Thank you for your donation
- The Colour of Power 2021
- The Power of Poetry
- The UK election voter registration countdown begins now
- Volunteering roles at Community Alliance Lewisham (CAL)
Social Mobility Fails Race Test. Why?
A common complaint, when consulting black communities about tackling racism is the strong perception that when talking about local and central government, "race has dropped off the agenda" Its a phrase that has now assumed the status of a social fact within black communities. It is reflective of a strong push by Government to end policies that are either ethnic specific, or try and recognise and deal with the reality of racial disadvantage.
As a result, a clear message has been sent to all statutory agencies and that message has been heard and understood. The result has been a return, in policy terms, to the Britain of the 1970's where Departmental and municipal diversity and anti discriminatory policies were virtually non existent.
Today of course, then language of exclusion is hard to spot as institutions have learnt the language of diplomacy and are able to clothe the politics of racism with the cloak of diversity.
This effects the very institutions that we are forced to rely on for objective research on the many complex social issues facing the country. One of the most important aspects and function of these research institutes is to ensure that their work is both reflective and inclusive of Britain diverse communities.
The Governments Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission established in 2012 to monitor these issues recently published a report on the 'non-education barriers to the elite professions' . The report undertook a case study of how 13 elite law, accountancy and finance firms, recruit their staff and asses what 'non-education factors' influence their decisions to hire. These hugely successful firms collectively offer, over 45,000 jobs, all at the respective top of their respective professions.
Their report produced no real surprises, they concluded that the top UK companies in law and finance, tended to restrict their recruitment to people who look, sound and live like them, privately educated white middle and upper class families.
Some 40% to 50% of job applications to the case study firms were made by applicants who had attended the Russell Group of universities. They received 60% to 70% of all job offers. Job applicants from fee-paying and selective schools, which tend to dominate Russell Group universities, made up 70% of graduate trainees at case study firms, despite being only 7% and 4% of the UK population respectively. Firms also used nuanced criteria to help find 'talented' applicants, the report said.This included factors like the candidate's accent and experiences of travelling, but neglected to identify racism as a casual factor.. The commission examined the recruitment processes at 13 elite law, accountancy and financial companies who between them appoint 45,000 of the best jobs in the country.

That racism, is a real factor affecting the employment of BME peoples is not acknowledged as unfairly blocking black talent, rising to the top. This is a serious and critical ommission, when one considers the high and increasing diversity of the UK labour market, the rate of BME graduate unemployment and BME youth unemployment more generally.
The Commission itself, is predictably 99% white in its make up. A quick search of previously published Commission reports, starkly illustrates this problem. Most have nothing more, than a tokenistic reference to ethnicity and what appears to be an ideological avoidance of the use of the word racism.
This failure to reflect the huge diversity of the UK on the Commission is reflected in the fact that their publications only offer a cursory look at ethnicity. I believe this reflects a general trend promoted by Government, that focuses almost exclusively, on the white working class at the expense of black communities and in doing so, effectively minimises or discounts racism.
The current report states:
Opening access to the professions is not the only objective. Those from less advantaged background who access elite professions may also face a ‘class ceiling’ limiting their progress".
It went on:
Individuals from less privileged backgrounds may encounter more problems climbing the career ladder than their more privileged peers. Firms were not able to supply quantitative data which would test this supposition but participants repeatedly offered examples where ‘non-traditional’ graduates were less likely to pass professional examinations, or to be appointed by the firm upon qualification. Participants explained this on the basis that new entrants to elite firms who come from non-traditional class and/or ethnic backgrounds may feel relatively isolated but simultaneously more visible and therefore exposed as they start their career."
Yet there is no shortage of evidence that points to the double disadvantage faced by black and ethnic minority peoples seeking work at UK top firms. These companies remain hideously white in their make up.


In addition to this wealth of research evidence, the seminal REACH report published in 2007 into the underachievement of black boys estimated the potential economic benefit of removing the underachievement of Black boys and young Black men at about £808 million a year. The major components of the estimates are the costs associated with over-representation in the Criminal Justice System and reduced gross earnings and taxes associated with educational underachievement. The costs, if they continue over the next 50 years without any change, would amount to approximately £24 billion.
The British Labour market will become increasingly dependant on BME youth as they are set to make over 70% of the demographic growth in London's workforce over the next 30 years according to research by the Greater London Authority.
While the report make sailing points about the 'class conscious' nature of recruitment into Britain top firms it fails to recognise that a substantive blockage for black professionals and graduates in securing employment is the racial prejudice of those doing the recruitment.
We believe its time for the Government to introduce legalisation that would ensure public bodies are more diverse. We also believe that we need new legislation that would allow a period of affirmative action, designed to tackle the criminally high unemployment experienced by distinct black communities.
Introducing nameless CV's could also offer a more balanced approach, you may remember that this is was formal policy of the Lib Dem'ss when in Coalition Government. Like on so many political iniatives associated with race, however it did a death and never saw the light of day.
The black reality of seeking professional employment on Britain is that we are a not meritocracy, where alone merit wins you the prize, instead we have become a pigmentocracy where colour regardless of education or experience reduces black people to the status of third class citizens in a supposed first class democracy.
Lee Jasper
